Solidarity is the basis of my politics.

Politicians diminish themselves by sounding robotic.

What people want is a sense of a better future to come.

It's important to learn the right lessons from the past.

If you talk to most people under 30, they don't read a newspaper.

Any politician in a democracy has to be mindful of public opinion.

Politicians often reveal most about themselves in unguarded moments.

A politics that defines itself by difference holds no appeal for me.

Being prime minister is not a job to be performed with an eye for the exit.

The 'Arab Spring' is the most spectacular example of the dispersal of power.

Politics requires the sense of possibility. Dare I say it - the audacity of hope.

Kneejerk interventionism or kneejerk isolationism is the wrong course for Britain.

David Cameron can change the branding of the party, but he can't change the beliefs.

What we are going to offer is not a one-way communication, but one-to-one communication.

The depth of concern people feel about UKIP is not always matched by depth of understanding.

The style of politics that Damian McBride represents has been discredited, and Labour has moved on.

The scale of the ISIS threat is not yet matched by a clarity of approach for securing their defeat.

In every generation, there are horrors that define an age and events that scar the global conscience.

Building the future holds more attraction than ancestor worship, whichever ancestor we're talking about.

We'll set our approach to borrowing, to spending, to taxation, in a sensible way on a sensible timescale.

Change is a process: future is a destination. People want a sense of hope, possibility and pride about Britain.

In this age of growing interconnectedness, we understand that turning our backs on the world is simply not an option.

Most people understand that Lehman Brothers didn't collapse because Gordon Brown built too many schools and hospitals.

I think politicians who suggest they are uninterested in the support of newspapers are not being straight with people.

For me, fiscal realism is not a betrayal of Labour values; it is the foundation by which we win the trust of the public.

David Cameron's approach has left Britain weakened and weary because to retreat from the world is as foolish as it is futile.

What matters in any campaign is that you have a strategic core that makes the judgements, decides the strategy, and can deliver.

David Cameron wants people to believe that his isolation in Europe is a result of Britain being outnumbered when it matters most.

The Nationalists peddle a misplaced cultural conceit that holds that everyone south of the Solway Firth is an austerity loving Tory.

The Conservatives are so busy focusing on yesterday, they're not focused on tomorrow... on how elections are won in the 21st century.

Obama better understood community organisation and peer-to-peer communication than any recent candidate, and we are applying that lesson.

When I joined Labour in 1982, I didn't feel I belonged to a party born to power. My repeated experience was of bitter and repeated defeats.

I don't get up in the morning and think my mission is to end Britain. I do get up in the morning and think that my mission is to end poverty.

Of course we are looking to win support across every section of society. We win support by speaking to voters on the issues they most care about.

As Development Secretary, I have seen in the developing world that climate change there is not a theory, is not a future threat: it is a contemporary crisis.

My general approach to opposition is where the government is getting something right, we should say so. And where we disagree with them, we should say so, too.

In sport, as in science, business, and diplomacy, as Scots we understand that we benefit from the deep and diverse partnerships that make up the United Kingdom.

As shadow foreign secretary, I have been as clear in my support for the government when it does something we agree with as I am in highlighting that which we oppose.

The Olympics is a time primarily for sport and celebration, but diplomacy does not stop at the door of the U.N., and for it to work, it must be sustained and consistent.

The Commonwealth is a vital and positive partnership between countries striving to develop trade relations and promote democracy and human rights, united by shared values.

I do think our challenge is to balance credibility and a clear message about how we would reduce the deficit with boldness about the choices that we put before the public.

The Network Generation are secure in, and proud of, their Scottishness. Unlike my generation that grew up in the '80s, they don't see our sense of identity as under threat.

We can have enhanced devolution - greater powers in Scotland - but within the strength, security and stability of the United Kingdom, and I think that's what most Scots want.

Having disrupted business practices, social interactions and political campaigns, 2011 will be seen as the year that the rise of the Internet first disrupted foreign relations.

As times change, so do the way each generation see the world. It is rather like the way our generation came to see our grandparents' views on the Empire and colonies as outdated.

It was here in Edinburgh that in the 1980s I joined with many others to protest against Margaret Thatcher as she arrived to address the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland.

I'm in agreement with David Miliband when he says our generation of Labour politicians are not willing to hand over the direction of the country without a serious electoral fight.

Stories come and go. The challenge is to frame the questions that voters will be asking on polling day, such as who has avoided a global depression and worked here to deliver jobs.

Newspapers can make their own judgment in terms of who they support in a general election. Our responsibility is to make a considered judgment about where the national interest lies.

There are genuine questions to be asked about why we now have the highest level of employment in many decades, contrary to the position during the boom-bust years of the Conservatives.

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