Quotes of All Topics . Occasions . Authors
Courage is the lifeblood of democracy.
Responsibility is always about concrete action.
Europe has the potential to pioneer and supply a sustainable worldwide economy.
Europe's demography is developing towards a smaller working population in an ageing society.
Ukraine is a tinderbox, and the fuse is lit. There is no solution through violence in Ukraine.
Wherever you look - especially on social media - we see hate; there is shouting and daily outrage.
Are we strong? Can we defend ourselves? Are we standing shoulder to shoulder? Do we stand up for each other?
Germany's historical responsibility will not expire. We want to live up to it - and you should judge us on it.
Whoever believes that a symbolic tank parade on the alliance's eastern border will bring security is mistaken.
Whoever thinks war allows for lasting victories should take a look at European history books and learn their lesson.
Since 1998, I have served my country as a member of four cabinets and as the leader of the parliamentary opposition.
I feel that we Germans are spending less and less time talking to each other. And even less time listening to each other.
Resources are becoming scarcer. If we want to promote new growth, we should focus on the quality of the value we are creating.
Seventeen million people around the world lost their lives in the first world war, countless suffered and were marred for life.
I wish I could say that we Germans have learned from our history once and for all, but I cannot say that when hatred is spreading.
Reaching compromise does not signal weakness, but rather is a sign of strength. The ability to compromise is the backbone of democracy.
Following its peaceful reunifica'tion in 1990, Germany was on track to become an economic giant that had little in the way of foreign policy.
(Milosevic's passing) should not keep us from our efforts to provide peace and stability in the Balkans; on the contrary, it should renew them.
Germany is too big to sit on the sidelines on world issues. Military force is not the ultima ratio it used to be, but it can be used, with care.
Our democracy is as strong as we make it. Its founding principle is that we voice our opinions, and that we are willing to argue for what we believe in.
The fact is that Germany is taking on its responsibility in the world - in the fight against IS, but also in the Middle East, in Africa and in Afghanistan.
We in Europe must not indulge the illusion that we could shut ourselves away from the world if it goes to pieces, and maybe offer a bit of humanitarian aid.
We need democracy - but right now democracy needs us! It needs self-assured citizens who have confidence and drive, common sense and decency, and who show solidarity with others.
Taxing financial markets, promoting research and development, and mobilising investments: that means learning our lessons from the financial market crisis and changing our focus.
But Germany is a reflective power: even as it adapts, a belief in the importance of restraint, deliberation, and peaceful negotiation will continue to guide its interactions with the rest of the world.
Today, our world is more interconnected than ever. This offers many opportunities; it creates wealth and new freedoms. Yet our world is also vulnerable, full of friction points and conflicts of interest.
Russia's actions on the Crimean Peninsula were a serious violation of international law and of the principles upon which European peace is based. That is why we cannot let pass or ignore what took place.
Germany's path to greater military assertiveness has not been linear, and it never will be. Germans do not believe that talking at roundtables solves every problem, but neither do they think that shooting does.
From my point of view, we have the two communities: the tech community on one side and the rather social-scientific, philosophical community on the other side. We have, from my impression, a disconnect between the two sides.
The history of the outbreak of war 100 years ago and of the collapse of the fragile balance of power in Europe in the summer of 1914 is a disturbing tale of the failure of the governing elites and the military, but also of diplomacy.
The question that stands in the foreground is not 'Do we need this technology?' No one denies the great chances and the great opportunities that we have in the fight against poverty, the handling of climate issues, the fight against sickness.
Thirty years ago, this promise, this allure of democracy, drove hundreds of thousands of people in East Germany onto the streets. What courage they showed! It was these brave people, these peaceful heroes and heroines, who brought the Wall tumbling down.
Twenty-five years after the fall of the Berlin Walland the lifting of the iron curtain, troublespots abound: the Middle East and parts of Africa lack a stable regional security architecture; in east Asia, nationalist tendencies and competing ambitions are threatening peace and stability in the region and beyond.
Where there is a threat of mass murder, where the stability and order of countries and entire regions are endangered, and where there is no chance of successful political settlements without military support, we must be willing to honestly weigh up the risks of getting involved against the consequences of doing nothing.